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語言規(guī)劃與教育

出版社：上海外語教育出版社出版時間：2016-07-01
開本： 23cm 頁數(shù)： 243
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語言規(guī)劃與教育 版權(quán)信息

  • ISBN：9787544643900
  • 條形碼：9787544643900 ; 978-7-5446-4390-0
  • 裝幀：一般膠版紙
  • 冊數(shù)：暫無
  • 重量：暫無
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語言規(guī)劃與教育 內(nèi)容簡介

本書為從教育的角度審視語言規(guī)劃, 特別分析了類似雙語、少數(shù)族裔語言、后殖民時期語言教育等在全球化的當(dāng)今社會關(guān)乎民族語言和文化的重要問題。

語言規(guī)劃與教育 目錄

Author's Preface
Acknowledgements

1 The discipline of language planning： a historical overview
1．1 The early years of the discipline of language planning
1．2 Criticisms of language planning
1．3 The resurgence of language planning and language policy
1．4 Changes in the discipline of language planning
1．5 Conclusion

2 The practice of language planning： an overview of key concepts
2．1 Language， nations and nationalism
2．2 The role of language planning in the construction of national languages and nations
2．3 Language planning in education

3 Educational and political dimensions of bilingual education： the case of the United States
3． I The context of bilingual education in the United States
3．2 Bilingual education in the United States： educational research and pedagogy
3．3 The politics of bilingual education in the United States
3．4 Conclusion

4 Minority languages and language revitalisation
4．1 Language endangerment： a brief overview
4．2 The theory and practice of language revitalisation
4．3 Language planning and language revitalisation： a case study of Welsh and Breton
4．4 Conclusion： implications of the Welsh/Breton case study

5 The global spread of English： cause， agency， effects and policy responses
5．1 Cause and agency in the global spread of English
5．2 Effects of the global spread of English
5．3 Conclusion： implications of the global spread of English for English language teaching

6 New Englishes and teaching models： the continuing debate
6．1 Sociolinguistic contexts of the global use of English
6．2 Defining the New Englishes
6．3 The genesis of New Englishes
6．4 New Englishes and models for teaching
6．5 A lingua franca coda

7 Language education policy and the medium of instruction issue in post-colonial Africa
7．1 Current policies on media of instruction： articulating the problem
7．2 Changing the media of instruction： constraints on policy
7．3 The medium of instruction issue and the role of the applied linguist

Discussion questions， exercises and further reading
References
Index
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語言規(guī)劃與教育 節(jié)選

　　《語言規(guī)劃與教育（英文版）》：　　3.1.1 The demographics of migration and minority groups in the United States　　A new era of immigration into the United States was inaugurated by the Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1965, abolishing the national origins quota system.2 A major consequence has been that Asia and Latin America have displaced Europe as the major source of migrants. Maaas (2000: 17), for example,drawing on the US decennial census, reports that whereas in the first decade of the twentieth century 92.5 per cent of all immigrants came from Europe,the corresponding figure for the 1981-90 decade was 9.6 per cent. The proportion of immigrants from Asia had risen to 38.4 per cent and that from Latin America,especially Mexico, to 32.1 per cent.　　A second very significant change has been in the accelerated rate ofimmigration.Whilst the US population increased by 10 per cent between 1980 and 1990, the number of persons reporting the use of a language other than English in the home rose over the same period by 38.6 per cent to a total of31.8 million (14 per cent of the national population) as against 23.1 million or 11 per cent of the national population in 1980 (Macias 2000). Of these 31 million, the largest proportion at 54.4 per cent (17 million) were Spanish speakers, with Mexican Americans constituting comfortably the largest subgroup.　　Also significant is the uneven distribution ofminority language speakers across the United States: over 50 per cenr lwe in three srares - California, New York and Texas- with particular concentrations of Spanish speakers in Los Angeles, New York,Miami, Chicago and the San Francisco Bay area (Macias 2000; Schmid 2001).　　As regards English language learners, the data is slighdy less secure, mainly because there are differenr definitions across the srares of whar constirutes an English language learner or a Limited English Proficient (LEP) student. Nonetheless, both August and Hakuta (1997) and Macias (2000) offer persuasive evidence of a rapid rise through the 1990s in the number and proportions of LEP students enrolled in US public and private schools. One estimate (Macias 2000: 43) claims around 3.4 million LEP enrolments from kindergarten through to twelfth grade (K-12) in 1997, of whom 73 percent were Spanish speakers. A more recent estimate (Kindler 2002) talks of over 4 million LEP enrolments across the mainland United States,constituting 10 per cent of all public school enrolments K-12. Again, however,the distribution across the nation is uneven. Gandara (1999), for example, reports that 25 per cent ofCalifornia's K-12 enrolment is Limited English Proficient with 88 percent of these students coming from Spanish-speaking homes. Meanwhile, states with little previous experience m serving LEP students have also seen rapid rises in such students, admirredly from a low base - Kansas up 290 per cent, Georgia 392 percent, Oregon 480 per cent (Crawford 2002). Demographic projections suggest that this population group could constitute as much as 40 per cent of the US school age population by the 2030s (Thomas and Collier 2002: 1).　　3.1.2 Minorities: the soaal context　　In the United States, as elsewhere, there is considerable diversiry within the linguistic minority population. Asian Americans, for instance, are obviously different from Native Americans and Latinos, all three appellations referring to meta-ethnic groupings with very considerable internal variation. One way of approaching this diversity is through Ogbu's distinction (1978) between autonomous, caste-like and immigrant minorities, later resolved (Ogbu 1992) into a contrast between voluntary and involuntary minorities: coarse distinctions, certainly, but they do at least high-light power, status and degree of subordination as factors distinguishing minority groups. They also help draw attention ro the fact that some minorkies have suffered involuntary incorporation into US society through military conquest or violence.The cases ofAfrican Americans, Native Americans and Mexican Americans (following the 1846-48 war) spring immediately to mind.Asian Americans, by conrrast, are sometimes classed as a voluntary minority on the grounds that they have migrated voluntarily, though this is problematic for two main reasons. First, and less importantly, the soao-economic disruption suffered by　　such countries as Vietnam and Cambodia raise questions as to whether emigration from these countries can always be classed as voluntary; second, whether voluntary or not, once they arrive most immigrants are, irrespective of their wishes, incorporated into pre-existing and long-standing racialised ethnic identities.Countless daily interactions with those from other groups (e.g: Anglos, African Americans, Asian/Pacific Island Americans, Latinos, American Indians) lead immigrants and their cluldren to be perceived - and to begin perceiving themselves as - 'Latinos', 'Asians', and so on. (Schmidt 2000: 188)　　……

語言規(guī)劃與教育 作者簡介

　　Gibson Ferguson is a Lecturer in the Department of English Language and Linguistics at the University of Sheffield, where he convenes the MA programme in applied linguistics.

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